Archive for category democracy

Can Muhyiddin explain why Parliaments in other countries can function in a state of emergency caused by the Covid-19 pandemic but not in Malaysia?

(Tatal ke bawah untuk kenyataan versi BM)

In his New Year Message, the Prime Minister, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin listed five priorities for the year 2021 in an integrated national recovery strategy post Covid-19.

But in less than two weeks, these five priorities cannot stand public scrutiny, in particular Priority Three to “ensure political stability with strong emphasis on good governance as a foundation for sustainable economic recovery” and Priority Four to “uphold the country’s sovereignty and strengthen Malaysia’s position on the world stage”. Read the rest of this entry »

No Comments

Special Branch in early years would not have reacted in such a fashion as to regard a cheeky food advertisement as promoting Chinese communism

(Tatal ke bawah untuk kenyataan versi BM)

The Special Branch in the early years would not have reacted in such a fashion as to regard a cheeky food advertisement as promoting Chinese communism.

The Special Branch must not suspect a communist under every table but move ahead with the times. Read the rest of this entry »

No Comments

Constitutional monarchy proves to be an important bulwark of parliamentary democracy in Malaysia

(Tatal ke bawah untuk kenyataan versi BM)

Malaysians from all walks of life thank the Yang di Pertuan Agong Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah for deciding not to declare a state of emergency after a special meeting with Malay Rulers today.

The system of constitutional monarchy has proven that it is an important bulwark of parliamentary democracy in Malaysia.

All Malaysians, especially the 221 Members of Parliament, must now unite to forge an “all-of-government” and “whole-of society” war against the third wave of the Covid-19 epidemic in Malaysia.

The latest report, showing a reduction of 465 Covid-19 infections  (yesterday’s reported 823 Covid-19 cases as compared to 1,288 cases the previous day) should be an encouragement to frontliners and all Malaysians to redouble their efforts to flatten the curve of the third wave of the Covid-19 pandemic in Malaysia.

Special attention must be given to Sabah as it is the epicentre of the third wave of the Covid-19 pandemic.

All MPs must be single-minded to ensure that we must save lives and livelihoods in this “once-in-a-century” catastrophe of the Covid-19 pandemic.

Read the rest of this entry »

1 Comment

Will Muhyiddin emulate the example of Tun Hussein Onn and convene an emergency meeting of Parliament this month to secure a vote of confidence in him as Prime Minister to establish that he is a legitimate Prime Minister?

Adakah Tan Sri Muhyiddin akan mencontohi tauladan Tun Hussein Onn dan mengadakan satu sidang khas Parlimen dalam bulan ini untuk memastikan beliau mempunyai kepercayaan majoriti ahli Parlimen sebagai seorang Perdana Menteri yang mempunyai legitimasi?

Sidang Parlimen yang telah dijadualkan untuk berlangsung pada hari Isnin 9 Mac depan telah ditangguhkan kepada 18 Mei 2020.

Perkara ini telah ditafsirkan sebagai satu “tanda kelemahan” di mana Perdana Menteri, Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin dilihat sebagai tidak mempunyai sokongan majoriti ahli-ahli Parlimen untuk menjadi seorang Perdana Menteri yang sah.

Persidangan Parlimen dalam bulan puasa ini menimbulkan pelbagai tanda tanya memandangkan ini adalah kali pertama dalam sejarah negara Parlimen bersidang dalam bulan puasa.

Mengapakah tidak dijadualkan persidangan Parlimen ini untuk ditangguhkan sebelum bermulanya bulan puasa, yang dijangkakan bermula pada 25 April 2020?

Jika minggu pertama persidangan Parlimen di bawah Muhyiddin ini perlu juga diadakan dalam bulan puasa sekalipun, adakah beliau bersedia untuk mencontohi tauladan Perdana Menteri ketiga kita, Tun Hussein Onn, yang telah memanggil satu mesyuarat khas Parlimen pada 26 Januari 1976 — hanya 11 hari selepas pelantikan beliau sebagai Perdana Menteri selepas pemergian Tun Razak — untuk memastikan yang beliau mempunyai kepercayaan majoriti ahli-ahli Parlimen untuk memimpin negara? Read the rest of this entry »


Najib does not want Malaysians to remember the lessons of history, as he hopes to return as a global kleptocrat and to repeat the same heinous mistakes for Malaysia to again become a global kleptocracy

Former Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak does not want Malaysians to remember the lessons of history, as he hopes to return as a global kleptocrat and to repeat the same heinous mistakes for Malaysia to again become a global kleptocracy.

As far as Najib is concerned, he does not want Malaysians to heed the famous saying of thinker George Santayana that “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it”.

Najib does not want Malaysians to know or remember the 1MDB global kleptocracy, Black Tuesday of July 28, 2015 or the “Week of the Long Knives” at the end of July 2015 when Najib orchestrated a multi-faceted operation to undermine parliamentary democracy by attacking important principles of democracy in Malaysia like the rule of law, the doctrine of separation of powers, good governance and public integrity as well as a systematic attack on the independence, impartiality and professionalism of key national institutions like Parliament, the Cabinet, the Attorney-General’s Chambers, Police, Bank Negara, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission, the Auditor-General, etc.

The Week of Long Knives launched the darkest period in the 61-year democratic history of Malaysia and yet to this day, this episode is couched in great mystery with most Malaysians quite ignorant about it.

This is why I had suggested that a police report should be lodged so that the police could investigate and unravel the heinous crimes committed by Najib and his ilk on Black Tuesday of July 28, 2015 and the Week of Long Knives, as Malaysians must not ignore Santayana’s warning that “Those who cannot remember the past are condemned to repeat it”!

Does Najib agree to a full police investigation of Black Tuesday of July 28, 2015, the “Week of Long Knives” and the darkness they ushered for Malaysian democracy until the Malaysian voters bravely, courageously and unexpectedly shook off the shroud of darkness in the 14th General Election of May 9, 2018? Read the rest of this entry »

No Comments

Are the thinking of PAS leadership under Hadi so fixed and frozen that they are immune to arguments, facts and truth as illustrated by PAS leadership’s continued opposition to local government elections and support of Najib’s global kleptocracy?

I am taken aback to read of the speech by the PAS President, Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang in London where he told a Malaysian audience that he opposed local government elections because local elections must be inclusive so that the cities are not dominated by just one race.

He said:

“When an election is contested only by residents (and does not include those who serve the residents), it is certain that big cities such as Kuala Lumpur, Ipoh, Penang, Seremban, and Johor Bahru would be dominated by DAP Chinese…

“If only one race is in power, then a situation like in (May 13) 1969 may arise again, we don’t want that.”

I am taken aback because I had an exchange with Hadi on the very issue of local government elections three years ago, where I asked him why he was parroting the line that DAP was being chauvinist in wanting to have local government elections. Read the rest of this entry »


Principle that the Chairman of PAC be an Opposition Member should be subject to the proviso that no PAC Chairman should sit and examine government accounts for years where he or she was a government MP and not an Opposition MP

The principle that the Chairman of the Public Accounts Committee of Parliament should be an Opposition Member should be subject to the proviso that no PAC Chairman should sit and examine government account for years where he or she was a government MP and not an Opposition MP.

Parliamentary Opposition Leader Datuk Seri Ahmad Zahid Hamidi has asked Ronald Kiandee to resign as Public Accounts Committee (PAC) Chairman as he was appointed at the discretion of the Opposition Leader.

Zahid Hamidi is wrong. The PAC Chairman is not appointed at the discretion of the Opposition Leader, but by Parliament by way of a motion.

The Pakatan Harapan Government has accepted the convention that the Chairman of the PAC come from the Opposition, which means on the recommendation of the Parliamentary Opposition Leader, but the final decision lies with Parliament and not with the Opposition Leader. Read the rest of this entry »

1 Comment

Shahrir should state his stand on the disruption of the Pakatan Harapan programme in Kg Bakar Batu in Johor Baru last night

It is most regrettable that a Pakatan Harapan programme in Kampong Bakar Batu in the Johor Baru parliamentary constituency last night for the DAP State Assemblyman for Stulang, Andrew Chen Kah Eng, the Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM) Johor Secretary and former three-term Assemblyman for Kempas, Datuk Osman Sapian, and the PKR Johor Information Chief, Akmal Nasir, AMANAH Johore Baru deputy chairman Muadz Jamaluddin and myself to meet and dialogue with the people in the area had been disrupted and cancelled.

If this had happened 50 and 60 years ago, it would not have been surprising.

But for such a regrettable event to happen 61 years after the achievement of Merdeka in 1957 and thirteen General Elections had been held in Malaysia shows that to some people in the country, the spirit and commitment to parliamentary democracy is very skin deep. Read the rest of this entry »


Malaysia is already the butt of jokes of Africans for our global kleptocracy, let us not be another African butt of jokes for our democracy

Malaysians have two objectives in the forthcoming 14th General Elections.

Firstly, for Malaysia to mature to become a normal democracy and secondly, to save the nation from the infamy and ignominy of being regarded worldwide as a global kleptocracy.

The Pakatan Harapan parties of DAP, PKR, AMANAH and Bersatu are fully committed to the ballot box as the sole avenue for political and democratic change. The 14GE will be the 12th general elections for the DAP in over five decades and the history and record of the DAP is unswerving commitment to the democratic and constitutional process to effect political change.

The real question at issue in the 14GE is whether Najib and UMNO are equally committed to see Malaysia mature as a normal democracy where change of the federal government through the ballot box is accepted as a healthy democratic process and not one to invite threats of violence, bloodshed, chaos, riots or coups. Read the rest of this entry »


30th Anniversary of Ops Lalang mass arrests – call on Malaysians to unite to save democracy, the rule of law, human rights and to eradicate corruption and kleptocracy

Today marks the 30th anniversary of Operation Lalang which brought about the darkest days for democracy and human rights.

There was not only the arrest of 106 Malaysians, including opposition leaders – 16 of whom were from the DAP, including MPs and State Assemblymen – trade unionists, social activists, environmentalists, Chinese educationists and religious workers, there was also the wholesale attacks on press freedom with the closure of three newspapers, the assault on the independence of the judiciary and the rule of law and the series of undemocratic legislation which caused a tectonic shift in the Malaysian political landscape, subordinating the legislative and judicial branches to the Executive.

Operation Lalang in 1987 brought the fragile plant of Malaysian democracy to the brink of ruin and disaster.

But Malaysian resilience, the spirit and love for freedom, justice and the nation, did not wilt or capitulate but sprang back not only to recover lost ground and to achieve new democratic breakthroughs as in the 13th General Election when 52% of popular vote sought the first change of national government but the people were denied the fruits of democratic victory because of undemocratic gerrymandering of parliamentary constituencies. Read the rest of this entry »


Democracy in Southeast Asia: A Conversation Between Michael Vatikiotis and Bridget Welsh

ASEAN Studies Program
The Habibie Center

[Journey through the ebbs and flows of democracy in ASEAN via a conversation between Michael Vatikiotis, a veteran journalist and writer living in Singapore, and Dr. Bridget Welsh, who is a Senior Associate Fellow of the Habibie Center in Jakarta. Their conversation on the state of democracy in Southeast Asia traces the history of the push for democracy in the different countries of the region, current challenges and future prospects. (This article is first published in special issue.)]

Michael Vatikiotis is a writer and journalist living in Singapore. After training as a journalist with the BBC in London, he moved to Asia and was a correspondent and then editor of the Far Eastern Economic Review. He has written two novels set in Indonesia.

Dr. Bridget Welsh is a Senior Research Associate at the Center for East Asia Democratic Studies of the National Taiwan University; a Senior Associate Fellow of the Habibie Center in Jakarta; and a University Fellow of Charles Darwin University in Darwin, Australia. She analyzes Southeast Asian politics, especially Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, and Indonesia.

Bridget Welsh (BW): Michael, why don’t you begin. Where do you think the state of democracy is in the region?

Michael Vatikiotis (MV): Well, if you take a glass half-full approach, then I suppose you would look at the long arch of history of democracy over the last 40 years. I argue that in many countries of Southeast Asia there has been a gradual improvement in the forms of governments that have begun to look more and more institutionally like functioning democracies.

So to break that down, you have of course a wave of democratization that began with the People’s Power revolution in the Philippines in mid-1980s which was itself an outgrowth of Portugal’s Carnation Revolution in the mid-1970s that sparked what Samuel Huntington called the ‘third wave of democratization.’ This eventually reached the shores of Southeast Asia and manifested itself initially in left wing movements, student disruptions and protests in mid 1970s. Thailand saw a crackdown on student movements that led to people fleeing into the jungle and joining the communist insurgency. Similarly in Indonesia, there was the Malari incident which led to a crackdown on campus politics. In Malaysia too, there was a student agitation in the mid-1970s. By the early 80s things had come to a head in the Philippines with the implementation of martial law, the corruption of Marcos’ rule and the deep sense of unease that many people felt because of the way that they were treated by Marcos, either arrested, detained or worse. In 1983, with the murder of Benigno Aquino as he stepped out of a plane from Taiwan at Manila Airport, these finally weld up into a massive popular protest.

At the time I was a young journalist in BBC. I remember covering it from London, and it was a very exciting time, especially the whole notion of ‘people’s power.’ This was well before any of the colored revolutions that have taken place in this century. This was before the end of Cold War. It was also the very first time that CNN had covered this sort of story so far away with live camera shots of the protests. There was a sense that nothing like this had really happened before in postcolonial Southeast Asia. It was shown and reported in a very vivid manner and it also very quickly brought an end to very despotic ruler. Within a matter of weeks Ferdinand Marcos was on a plane to Hawaii.

As a side note, I think it was also very important time because up until the mid-1980s, the United States and other Western powers firmly back autocratic regimes because they were anti-communist. This changed with the ‘people’s power’ revolution on the streets of Manila. The color of the revolution was yellow, not red. You had this mild-mannered widow of Benigno Aquino who took over. She was not threatening. She didn’t seem to be communist. This allowed the United States and other Western powers to embrace a popular revolution without having to abandon their sort of anti-communist credentials. There was a sense of relief that they didn’t have to support an autocrat, because he was anti-communist. Read the rest of this entry »

No Comments