MIC President and sole Indian Minister for more than 28 years, Datuk Seri S. Samy Vellu should have realized by now that it was a fatal mistake for him to believe that the “frustration and anger” of the Malaysian Indians who had taken part in the 30,000-strong Hindraf demonstration in Kuala Lumpur on Nov. 25 was not directed against him.

In his second TV appearance on RTM in four days, this time over the hour-long Tamil programme Karuthu Kalam or Opinion Forum on Saturday, Samy Vellu said the Indians had taken part in the Nov. 25 Hindraf demonstration “to register their anger over the inadequacy in the implementation of projects by the Government” and that their anger was not directed at him because he had not raised questions about or fought for the plight of the community.

Samy Vellu is wrong. The Hindraf demonstration had clearly two targets: Firstly, as the Gerakan Youth vice chief S. Paranjothy said, the 30,000 Indians took part in the demonstration to express their “frustration and anger” because the community had been “marginalized, oppressed and ignored”.

But there is a second target – none other than Samy Vellu himself for his failure after more than 28 years as MIC President and sole Cabinet Minister to prevent the long-standing political, economic, educational, social, cultural and religious marginalization of the Malaysian Indians as to become a new underclass in Malaysia.

If Samy Vellu was in denial for almost a month after the Nov. 25 Hindraf demonstration, Samy Vellu should have begun to sense the truth when he was publicly booed and humiliated by a crowd of 2,000 – 3,000 at the Aattam 100 Vagai 3 (100 types of dance) cultural performance at the Penang International Sports Area (Pisa) on Saturday night.

There is palpable anger on the ground among the Indians in Malaysia at their long-standing marginalization, raising the question whether this political awakening could become a political tsunami by the Malaysian Indian voters in the next general election, creating upsets and surprises.

It is important that the political awakening of Malaysian Indians in the run-up to the next general election must not fall into the trap of being tarred as anti-Malay but must be solidly anchored as part of Malaysian national aspirations for justice and a proper place under the Malaysian sun for all marginalized groups.

Considerable political and propaganda efforts are being invested to label the political awakening of the Malaysian Indians as racist, chauvinist and anti-Malay, so as to accentuate racial and religious polarization and stampede Malays to unite solidly behind Umno in response to the perception that the Malays are under attack.

If the political awakening of the Malaysian Indians to end their long-standing marginalization falls into the trap of being tarred as anti-Malay, it would then be easy to counter and neutralize it challenge, making it counter-productive and destroying its potential to maximize the electoral possibilities in the next general election.

I had asked on Friday whether Malaysian Indian voters could create a political and electoral tsunami in the next general election expected next March in 50 parliamentary and 133 state assembly seats where they comprise more than 10 per cent of the electorate, or in 21 parliamentary and 73 state assembly seats where they constitute more than 15% of the electorate?

I had said in Ipoh last Thursday that there are 62 parliamentary seats and 138 state assembly seats where Indian voters comprise more than 10% of the electorate and that there are 28 parliamentary and 78 state assembly seats where the Indian voters constitute more than 15% of the voters where they can play the role of “kingmaker” in the electoral outcome.

These figures were wrong as they were based on the electoral roll used for the 2004 general election. The latest electoral data gives a different picture as there is a reduction of these constituencies – i.e. 50 parliamentary and 133 state assembly constituencies where Indian voters comprise more than 10% of the electorate and 21 parliamentary and 133 state assembly seats in Peninsular Malaysia where the Indian voters constitute more than 15% of the electorate.

The 50 Parliamentary constituencies where Indian voters comprise more than 10% of the electorate are as follows:

Kedah (4) – %

Padang Serai – 21.78
Merbok – 17.16
Kulim Bandar Baru 11.04
Sungai Petani – 10.40

Penang (3)

Batu Kawan – 22.35
Nibong Tebal – 14.43
Bagan – 13.27

Perak (13)

Sungai Siput 22.45
Bagan Datok 22.36
Ipoh Barat 21.24
Tapah 19.67
Telok Intan 19.02
Tanjong Malim 17.29
Beruas 13.75
Taiping 13.15
Tambun 11.53
Lumut 11.04
Batu Gajah 10.74
Bagan Serai 10.45
Kampar 10.04

Pahang (1)

Cameron Highlands 22.72

Selangor (14)

Kota Raja 25.91
Kuala Selangor 21.32
Hulu Selangor 19.01
Kuala Langat 17.99
Sepang 17.73
Kelana Jaya 17.59
Klang 17.43
Selayang 15.23
Shah Alam 14.71
Puchong 14.20
Subang 13.85
Petaling Jaya Selatan 13.38
Tanjong Karang 11.89
Kapar 11.77

Federal Territory Kuala Lumpur (3)

Lembah Pantai 17.94
Batu 14.31
Segambut 12.09

Negri Sembilan (6)

Telok Kemang 22.64
Rasah 19.15
Rembau 14.94
Jempol 13.35
Seremban 11.16

Malacca (1)

Alor Gajah 11.64

Johore (5)

Labis 14.63
Tebrau 12.70
Pasir Gudang 11.13
Segamat 11.08
Gelang Patah 10.87

As there is no single parliamentary or state assembly constituency in Malaysia where the Indian voters constitute the majority of the electorate and could singly decide who would be elected the MP or State Assembly representative, it is vital that the political awakening or even “uprising” must not be perceived as a threat to the other communities, such as falling into the trap of being tarred as “anti-Malay”, but as part of a Malaysian awakening of all marginalized groups in the country to demand for justice and an equal place under the Malaysian sun.

It is only if the Indian voters can join forces with voters from other communities to demand for an end to the marginalization of all Malaysian groups that the “political uprising” of the Malaysian Indians has the opportunity to create a political tsunami in the next general election, such as producing the historic result of denying the Barisan Nasional its unbroken two-thirds parliamentary majority.