Hadi’s three public statements in the past week bespeak of his new role as foremost apologist and defender of Najib Razak, in particular to deflect attacks and criticisms on Najib’s transforming Malaysia into a global kleptocracy


PAS President Datuk Seri Abdul Hadi Awang’s three public statements in the past week bespeak of his new role as the foremost apologist and defender of Prime Minister, Datuk Seri Najib Razak, in particular to deflect attacks and criticisms on Najib’s transforming Malaysia into a global kleptocracy.

Imagine, three public statements in the past week and not a single reference to the international multi-billion dollar 1MDB money-laundering scandal and Malaysia being regarded world-wide as a global kleptocracy in the past two years!

Like Najib, Hadi does not believe that there is any 1MDB scandal. He believes that Najib is the victim of an international conspiracy to character-assassinate the Prime Minister of Malaysia and he does not mind Malaysia being regarded world-wide as a global kleptocracy!

This is the PAS President in 2017, a far cry from previous PAS Mursyidul Ams and Presidents of yesteryears like Nik Abdul Aziz Nik Mat, Fadzil Noor and Yusof Rawa – as it conceivable to imagine them leading a national and international campaign against the 1MDB scandal and to clear or clease Malaysia of the infamy and ignominy of being regarded worldwide as a global kleptocracy.

But today, under the Hadi leadership, Malaysia as a global kleptocracy is acceptable to PAS which would be anathema to Nik Aziz, Fadzil Noor and Yusof Rawa.

This is why Hadi’s PAS leadership is hand-in-glove with the UMNO leadership to deflect attention, criticisms and attacks on the 1MDB scandal and Malaysia becoming a global kleptocracy.

In his latest public pronouncement in an interview with Berita Harian, Hadi claimed that PAS was instrumental in ensuring wins for DAP and PKR in the last general election as PAS’ “well-equipped machinery and grassroots support “ translated to victories for their former allies.

He said:“PAS has grassroots strength that no other party has.

“In the last general elections, many of the machineries were PAS’, that helped candidates from DAP and PKR to win.”

I am surprised that Hadi has developed such a “blind spot”.

I agree that PAS had helped DAP and PKR candidates, but he seems to have lost sight of the equally undeniable and indisputable fact that DAP and PKR machineries and grassroot support had helped PAS candidates to win in constituencies they had never thought possible to win in the past.

All the three parties of DAP, PAS and PKR have benefitted from the partnership in Pakatan Rakyat in the 2013 General Election.

From a regional party confined largely to its “northern” heartland of Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu, PAS had gone “national” in the 13th General Elections with parliamentary and/or state assembly representation in every state in Peninsular Malaysia, except for Negri Sembilan.

For the DAP, our partnership in Pakatan Rakyat has enabled the DAP to win 38 parliamentary seats and 107 State Assembly seats, including 16 ethnically-mixed parliamentary seats in Peninsular Malaysia with less than 60 per cent Chinese voters (nine with less than 50 per cent Chinese voters) and 44 “ethnically-mixed” State Assembly seats with less than 60 per cent Chinese voters (15 of which with less than 50% Chinese voters).

Like DAP and PAS, PKR has also benefitted from the partnership in the Pakatan Rakyat coalition.

Ethnically mixed constituencies – where no one race is more than 60% of voters – used to be BN’s stronghold. However, with UMNO’s increasingly right wing positions and the poor record of governance by the BN, Pakatan Rakyat was able to capture a majority of these mixed seats in Peninsular Malaysia.

That DAP, PAS and PKR achieved their best parliamentary and state assembly results during their tripartite co-operation in the 1999, 2008 and 2013 General Elections is borne out by the following two tables of electoral results since the 1959 general election:

MP DAP PAS PKR Total seats
won contest won contest won contest
1959 13 58 104
1964 9 53 104
1969 13 24 12 62 144
1974 9 46 154
1978 16 53 5 88 154
1982 9 63 5 82 154
1986 24 64 1 98 177
1990 20 57 7 30 180
1995 9 50 7 45 192
1999 10 38 27 62 5 58 193
2004 12 44 6 86 1 59 219
2008 (1+) 28 47 (1+) 23 66 31 97 222
2013 38 51 21 73 30 99 222
DUN DAP PAS PKR Total seats
won contest won contest won contest
1959 42 200 282
1964 25 158 282
1969 31 57 40 185 360
1974 23 120 360
1978 25 127 9 204 276
1982 12 131 18 223 312
1986 37 118 15 265 447
1990 45 87 33 114 447
1995 11 103 33 171 394
1999 11 88 98 234 4 70 394
2004 15 104 36 265 0 121 505
2008 73 102 84 232 40 176 505
2013 95 103 85 236 49 172 505

Does Hadi believe that without the support of DAP and PKR, PAS could transform itself from a regional into a national party? In contrast, both DAP and PKR were already national parties when they co-operated with PAS to form the Barisan Alternative in 1999 and Pakatan Rakyat in 2008.

However, Hadi’s PAS decided to turn its back on Pakatan Rakyat by reneging on the Pakatan Rakyat Common Policy Framework resulting in the disintegration of Pakatan Rakyat after the PAS Muktamar in June 2015.

Today, Hadi has emerged as the greatest apologist and defender for Najib and his kleptocracy, forming the new “Najib-Hadi” political duet in Malaysia.

What is in store in the 14th General Election.
I fully agree with the Amanah Vice President Datuk Husam Musa who said at the Perak Amanah convention today that PAS under Hadi cannot be the “kingmaker” in the next general election, but can only play the role of “puppet” or “suicide bomber” in three-cornered fights.

Husam said at best, PAS will get only three or five parliamentary seats.
Husam explained that in the three-cornered fights, PA will only act as a “suicide-bomber” as the PAS’ role would only be that of a spoiler.

Husam analysis tallied with what I have been saying for the past week – that the real contenders in the forthcoming 14th General Election are Pakatan Harapan and Barisan Nasional, as PAS can only play a “spoiler’s role” to split votes in three-corner fights to help Barisan Nasional to win.

For the past week, I had discussed the possibility of Pakatan Harapan (PH) winning 113 parliament seats in Peninsular Malaysia with the help of a Malaysian tsunami which will rid the country of BN’s 60 year rule and allow us to start on a clean slate under a new government. In such a situation, out of the 165 Parliamentary seats in Peninsular Malaysia, PH would win 113 seats, Barisan Nasional 50 and PAS only two seats.

With a swing of 10% Malays voters and 5% non-Malays voters to the Pakatan Harapan as compared to the 13th General Election, leaving Hadi’s PAS out in the cold, Pakatan Harapan will not only retain Penang and Selangor state government with larger majorities compared with the 2013 General Election, but also stands the chance of winning Johore, Perak and Negri Sembilan state governments, and possibly the Kedah State Government, if DAP can expand its operations from Alor Start to central and southern Kedah by contesting in Gurun and Kulim state assembly constituencies.

All Malaysians who want to Save Malaysia from hurtling towards the trajectory of a failed and rogue state and restore democracy, rule of law and full respect for the bedrock nation-building principles enshrined in the 1957 Merdeka Constitution and 1963 Malaysia Agreement must unite to ensure the first change of Federal Government through the ballot box in 60 years.

If this historic result is to be achieved in the 14GE, voters must ensure that PAS’ spoiler’s role to help Najib to continue as Prime Minister is reduced to a minimum, for the lesser the effect and impact of PAS’ “spoiler role” in the 14GE, the more parliamentary and state assembly seats will be won by Pakatan Harapan candidates, heralding a new political landscape in Malaysia after the 14GE.

(Speech at the close of the DAP National General Elections Preparation Workshop at DAP National Headquarters in Kuala Lumpur on Sunday, 20th August 2017 at 6 pm)

  1. #1 by Bigjoe on Monday, 21 August 2017 - 9:53 am

    It is not strength that Hadi’s PAS has but rather dependencies and stubborness. But those issues are highly dysfunctional. Its a nest of viper to go into.

    DAP correctly point out the goal post that need to arrive at – 10% more Malay support and 5% more non-Malay support – BUT it means more FROM the days of Nik Aziz’s PAS in Pakatan Rakyat. It means Bersatu-Amanah BIGGER than Nik Aziz’s PAS in 2013. A VERY VERY TALL ORDER.

    Hadi’s PAS is small BUT they command the marginal votes necessary to keep UMNO/BN in power. Truth is without Hadi’s PAS, there would already be an exodus of UMNO members and leaders to Mahathir-Bersatu side. Even the most hard core of UMNO/BN leaders know they are all held up foundationally by Hadi’s PAS. Its the marginal voters that command the debate these days not the majority..

  2. #2 by Bigjoe on Monday, 21 August 2017 - 3:15 pm

    The more you think about it, the more its clear Hadi’s PAS is following the path of Mahathir’s old way – the “curi lampu ajaib” and “ends justify the means”/taking short cut path..

    Hadi’s PAS believe that eventually UMNO will fall into its embrace and they will take over UMNO – their ultimate game-plan and making compromises principles is just the cost of practical politics.

    The problem with Hadi’s end-game is that just as Mahathir created a monster in UMNO Baru he is trying to kill, Hadi is will create an even worst monster. The biggest difference between Mahathir’s end game and Hadi’s end game is that you cannot vote out GOD. There is only one way track with Hadi’s end game.

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