Malaysian Economic Democratisation


(Extracts from DAP Alternative Budget 2010 launched on 7th October 2009)

4. Budget Objectives

To meet the challenges of improving Malaysian global economic competitiveness while addressing the growing rich-poor disparity in Malaysia and being mindful of the fiscal constraints and harnessing our oil resources effectively, the DAP Budget 2010 is themed “Malaysian Economic Democratisation”.

The goals of economic democratisation is to ensure that public funds and expenditure by the government will be more effectively and efficiently spent in accordance to the needs of the people, ensure that public projects are structured in mechanisms which will benefit the rakyat as opposed to politically-connected operators as well as enabling Malaysians to achieve greater economic freedom.

The process of “economic democratisation” will hence focus on 3 key thrusts, that are:

  1. Economic Democratision – Fiscal Decentralisation

  2. Rakyat First – Restructuring & Reallocation

  3. Empowerment & Enablement – Capacity Building

4.1 Thrust I: Economic Democratisation – Fiscal Decentralisation

The Malaysian economy has increasingly become a bureaucratic behemoth dictated and run from the central federal government, with diminishing roles of the various state governments. Malaysian income and corporate tax revenues are all collected by the federal government and subsequently these revenues are reallocated to the various state government via constitutionally provided per capita grant, as well as other discretionary grant allocations.

The existing policy has resulted in major imbalances between the expenditure budget of the federal government vis-a-vis the respective state governments. For example, in 1990, the combined state expenditure budgets added to 25% of the overall Federal government expenditure. This proportion has declined substantially over the past 20 years to less than 9% in 2007.

Such centralised and discretionary policy decision making may also result in imbalances between the various state governments. For example, the allocation to respective states is based solely on the whims and fancies of the central government which will result in certain states enjoying unequitably larger allocations, while other states enjoy subtantially less from their fair share.

As a result, economic and government policy implementation has become substantially less efficient and effective due to the bureaucratic nature of transfers from the federal government to actual local development. Centralised planning has also the clear weakness of poor decisions arising from weak understanding of the local development needs and circumstances. For example, a highly centralised Transport Ministry will not be able to make informed and effective public transportation policies for each township and city across the entire country.

Therefore, in order to improve the government delivery system, its efficiencies and effectiveness of expenditure, the implementation of a wide-array of economic and developmental policies is best left to individual states to decide according to their own priorities, preferences and unique situations. Enlightened, accountable local government on-the-ground is best placed to determine and execute socio-economic strategies. Sectors which will enjoy increased fiscal decentralisation proposed here will include the transportation and internal security.

The DAP proposal for “economic democratisation” via increased fiscal decentralisation marks a tectonic shift in the Malaysian economic framework which a will trigger an explosive boost to economic efficiency and productivity due to greater effectiveness in per ringgit expenditure as well as higher multiplier effects for government expenditure on the economy.

Fiscal decentralisation will also ensure more balanced regional development as opposed to highly centralised development in selected regions such as the Klang Valley, and thus creating more developed and economically productive secondary cities through out the entire country.

To complement the move for economic democratisation via fiscal decentralisation, DAP will move for complementary local government elections with amendments to the federal constitution, and for sharing more fiscal power with state governments. This will ensure that the greater fiscal allocations to and the utilisation by the local authorities and state governments will remain fully transparent and accounted for by democratically elected and competent representatives.

4.2 Thrust II: Rakyat First – Restructuring & Reallocation

Years of weak and misdirected policies, as well as abuse by the existing government have resulted in institutionalised misallocation of Malaysia’s scare resources which has concentrated the benefits to the few who are politically connected, while marginalising the vast population where the help and resources are much required. Malaysia’s decades long fling with the New Economic Policy (NEP) which emphasizes almost exclusively on “race” at the expense of “needs” and “merit”, have resulted in major structural deficiencies in our economic system which penalises both the welfare of the people and the efficiency of our economy. On the other hand, the institutionalised misallocation has enriched the select few who are able to exploit the misguided NEP. A major concerted effort to restructure and reallocate our economy is hence required to ensure more balanced development between the rich and poor, as well as fostering greater economic efficiency and competitiveness.

As part of the restructuring and reallocation thrust, there will be dedicated efforts towards proper implementation of an efficient welfare system is required to help ensure those born into poverty are not trapped in a vicious cycle. The emphasis will strictly based on needs, and not on “race” as dictated in the NEP. Those specifically belonging to any race which are economically weaker as a whole will by definition receive the appropriate aid from the Government. On the other hand, those who are well-endowed and economically productive will not deserve assistance under welfare programmes regardless of race. The DAP strategy will include reallocation – direct handouts to the hard-core poor and elderly – and capacity building – improvements in education, transport and healthcare that will facilitate individuals working their way up the income ladder.

The DAP Budget 2010 also instills accountability and equitability in the distribution of the nation’s oil wealth. Malaysia has been blessed with rich petroleum resources which has generated huge income streams for the Malaysian government via the collection of income taxes, royalty, dividends and other taxes and fees. However, despite the lucrative returns from the oil and gas industry over the past decade, every single sen of earnings from this windfall has not only been spent, but with added debt on top. For 12 consecutive years, despite sky-rocketing global oil prices, Malaysia has no reserves or surplus to show from our oil wealth. The DAP seeks to restructure and reallocate our oil wealth, to ensure that it will be invested with the aim of creating a perpetual income stream that will flow even after the oil stops flowing through saving for the future economic downtime, strategic investment in building new capabilities such as renewable energy and green technology, as well as development of human capacities.

At the same time, DAP also seeks to restructure the lopsided concessions created since the 1990s under Mahathir’s “Malaysia, Inc” major privatisation programmes. These massive concessions which enriched a few, and drains the nation of its wealth, continue to strain the nation financially and compromise the country’s ability to compete effectively in the global marketplace. These contracts, especially ones concerning Independent Power Producers (IPPs), tolled highways and water concessions should never have been handed out to begin with, as politically-connected concessionaires have reaped grotesque amounts of profit at the expense
of hardworking, ordinary Malaysians.

4.3 Thrust III: Empowerment & Enablement – Economic Capacity Building

Finally, DAP receognises the development and retention of talent as a critical necessity for Malaysia to expand into high value industries. In addition, to restore Malaysia’s attractiveness as an investment destination, a range of concerted measures will be taken in the areas of education, healthcare, transportation, finance, technology, security, energy and environment in enhancing our regional and global competitiveness.

The weakening global competitiveness of Malaysia is real. The Government’s continued basking on past glories will only result in irreparable damage to our economy and national competitiveness. However, if we instill in our economy the spirit of resilience as well as the ethics of competition, hard work and innovation, Malaysia will be better positioned to reap the full potential of global economic growth. DAP seeks to revive the fierce competitive spirit of the Malaysian economy, complemented by increased competency, greater accountability and improved transparency.

  1. #1 by drngsc on Wednesday, 7 October 2009 - 11:45 pm

    Hi Kit,
    A lack of details. Perhaps you do not have all the facts and figures.
    But a good start. Please keep it up. We need an alternative.

  2. #2 by GreenBug on Wednesday, 7 October 2009 - 11:49 pm

    YB Kit, are you sure 1Malaysia is not just a copy of DAP’s Malaysian Malaysia but also from the little red dot under? Look here http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=piF_2PQSkBM

  3. #3 by GreenBug on Wednesday, 7 October 2009 - 11:50 pm

    Oh I forgot, that One Singapore theme was in 1990.

  4. #4 by monsterball on Thursday, 8 October 2009 - 12:21 am

    ‘drngsc” writer… should be patient and wait for details after 13th GE. This is to prove PR is working for the people…..not sitting idle…or fooling around.
    If “GreenBug” writer cannot differentiate…Najib”1Malaysia” and Lee Kuan Yew’s…”Malaysian Malaysia”….got booted out…and DAP got inspired and took over …and now..educated Malays are inspired too!!
    UMNO is a racialist party….what is Najib’s “1 Malaysia” is actually…..to keep fooling his own race.
    DAP is a non racialist party….what is “Malaysian Malaysia”..to Malaysians? It is to be totally free from all nonsense and double standards created by UMNO.
    Do you understand now…”GreenBug” writer?

  5. #5 by mendela on Thursday, 8 October 2009 - 3:27 am

    http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/asia-pacific/8291953.stm

    All the UMNO ministers will need to be locked up if they were in NZ!

  6. #6 by Joshua on Thursday, 8 October 2009 - 3:43 am

    When the fundamental issues had gone awry for 52/46 years, the public funds had been largely wasted as in profligacy of RM30 trillions as partly evident by my 30 Police Reports not properly dealt with by the Be eNd illegal Governments of illegal people known for robbing in daylight for years especially 22 years of infamous Indian national dubbed as Malay (runaway or refugee)from where?

    So how to move back to the fundamental when the Fed Const is a distorted one since 1963…and the politicians – both sides – have allowed that?

    Now best leave the rotten system to be put right by IGGG now. Fresh air for all once and for all.

    It is nearly midnight for change to better days…

    pw: 9,355,000 peckham

  7. #7 by jay_an on Thursday, 8 October 2009 - 8:31 am

    1) School and Public Examination date one day after Deepavali but for Hari Raya and Chinese New Year it is school holidays for one whole week, every year.

    2) Urgent Education and Higher Education Ministry Circular to direct a similar one week
    school holiday also for Deepavali from this year onwards and for all other public examinations not to be held during the week of the Deepavali celebrations.

    3) This is a recurring problem year in and year out but only when it comes to Deepavali One Malaysia ?

  8. #8 by Jeffrey on Thursday, 8 October 2009 - 9:59 am

    Details need time to work out, so it suffices to talk generally of broad objectives of the DAP’s Malaysian Economic Democratisation (“DMED”)

    The problem, as always, is not in the professed general objectives – they are all laudable – but implementation.

    First problem is whether DMED put forward by DAP will obtain unanimous acceptance from its coalition partners, PKR & PAS. Take the part on “the emphasis will strictly based on needs, and not on ‘race’ as dictated in the NEP.” Will PKR & PAS agree? Yes we can go around that by either jettisoning NEP altogether or retain it but tweak it and insist strictly its implementation be based on its original duo functions of eredicating poverty regardless of race and identification of economic functions with race. However will it collide with article 153 of Federal Constitution (special privileges) which 100% race based? Assuming it does, will PKR & PAS agree? Even in the remotest chance they agree – which I don’t think so – you (meaning PR when in power) will still need to amend Federal Constitution, which you can do so only if you have 2/3 majority in Parliament so that BN in opposition cannot thwart the amendment.

    Indeed our entire Constitution is inclined centralising Federal powers over States’ To implement ‘empowerment’ of states, 10th schedule of Constitution on revenue assignment and 9th schedule on distribution of legislative powers and responsibilities between the federal and state governments may need to be “tweaked” for purposes of implementation. There’s also a gamut of laws to be perhaps changed eg Revenue Growths Grants Act 1977 on Federal allocations to states and their criteria. Then theree are all kinds of existing state institutions and innumerable statutory bodies and public corporations evolving these last 40 years dedicated to the NEP running contrary to specific implementation of the DMED – from Permodalan Nasional, EPU, FELDA, FELCRA, Commercial Vehicles Licensing Board etc. What are you going to do about these? Would it not imply that you need 2/3 Parliamentary control and not just simple majority to form govt to implement DMED even if all partners within PR agree in principle to it? Would you not need the 2/3 power to force open tender systems in respect of both federal and state procurement systems (assuming again when you’re in power, you will let close tender go)?

    However if PR really has 2/3 to form govt, then you’re very strong and the next question arises whether if strong you will still want by then to decentralise and give more empowerment and financial allocations to the states when some of them will be then controlled by BN in opposition using the wealth in the states to destabilise the PR central govt. You can also change tune (when in power) and say centralised powers are Ok as long as we keep faith and wield tem without abuse of power, corruption or misallocations!

    The aspirations in DMED are good but ordinarily, a fairer and more balanced distribution of revenue collection and resources between Federal & States and a concomitant removal of rent & patronage based allocation through in part constitutional reform of an existing Constitution by design favouring centralism will assume a stable and strong government under PR for a longer period of time without being destabilised by (BN) Opposition. Will this assumption of strong and stable PR govt over several terms necessary to effect implementation hold true even if (assuming) PR were to win GE (with no another May 13 by sore losers) and keep faith to its principles?

  9. #9 by Loh on Friday, 9 October 2009 - 12:40 pm

    ///Then there are all kinds of existing state institutions and innumerable statutory bodies and public corporations evolving these last 40 years dedicated to the NEP running contrary to specific implementation of the DMED – from Permodalan Nasional, EPU, FELDA, FELCRA, Commercial Vehicles Licensing Board etc. What are you going to do about these? ///–Jeffrey

    NEP is UMNO policy decided during emergency rule. Pakatan Rakyat is not required to carry out UMNO policy. All those agencies will have to review their functions, and wherever race is used as the sole policy criterion, it should be replaced, by needs. The obsolete agencies will just go. There is no need to amend the constitution, and such changes should be made during the first term of Pakatan Rakyat. NEP should be removed, after all the objective of cutting the link between job functions and race has been over achieved. Eradication or reduction of poverty does not require the so-called new-policy which was 40 years old.

    Article 153 should have gone by 1972. It has gone on for 52 years now. A quota was only needed when people classified to any beneficiary group were not able to get in on meritocratic ground. It was not a case of respecting birthright. It is when the government is allowed to arbitrarily reserve places that have caused trouble. That was why in the original constitution, article 153 was subject to review. It is the removal of the review that allowed people like Mamak Ismail Ahmad to call others pendatangs. PKR and PAS do not have to think along UMNO line to make use of race to gain votes. They should base their records on governance.

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