KT by-election – will “117” join “308” as historic milestones in the political transformation of Malaysia?


With the Kuala Terengganu by-election polling booths opening in 20 hours’ time, the question that is uppermost in everyone’s mind is whether the figure “117” will join “308” as historic milestones in the political transformation initiated by the March general election last year.

The Kuala Terengganu by-election started on Nomination Day 10 days ago as a very tight contest between the PAS/Pakatan Rakyat candidate Mohd Abdul Wahid Endut and the Umno/Barisan Nasional candidate Datuk Wan Ahmad Farid Wah Salleh and is ending as an equally tight race.

At the end of the by-election campaign, the PAS/Pakatan Rakyat candidate has the edge among the Chinese voters, who comprise 11.4 per cent of the electorate.

The question is whether PAS can hold its ground among the Malay voters as in the last general election in the Kuala Terengganu by-election on January 17, 2009.

If so, then the battle is won and “117” will join “308” in the Malaysian lexicon of political transformation and it may lead to the final unveiling of the secret meaning of the most famous political prophecy in the country, “RAHMAN”, with “N” forecasting not only Najib Razak as the sixth UMNO Prime Minister but also as the last UMNO Prime Minister!

Hudud and Islamic state are important issues, but they are not issues in the by-election. This is because DAP’s stand on hudud and Islamic state have always been clear, constant and consistent.

The critical issue in the KT by-election is whether the message of change of the March 8 political tsunami receives the resounding endorsement of the voters of Kuala Terengganu, regardless of race, religion or region – injecting greater momentum into the movement for political change and transformation leading all the way to Putrajaya in the next general election, whether held at the end of this year or later.

This is why the KT by-election result tomorrow night is awaited with bated breath by all concerned about the future of Malaysia.

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  1. #1 by OrangRojak on Sunday, 18 January 2009 - 9:54 am

    So you’re saying that as long as the UN asylum laws don’t change and KLIA remains open to all, Freedom of Conscience is sacrosanct in Malaysia?
    Thank you for your time, Prime Minister.

  2. #2 by Jeffrey on Sunday, 18 January 2009 - 9:57 am

    Lets look at the idea of allowing individual states to have their own way to choose which stream of criminal law (Sharia & secular common law) they want. For this, lets make the hypothetical assumptions that (a) Kedah’s criminal laws for Muslims are Sharia, and Selangor, secular common law and (b) as far as rape offence is concerned, under Shariah, it is harder to prove the offence because of the requirement of the presence of 4 credible male witnesses of the offence.

    Taking first the case where accused/offender and victims are both Muslims, and next where the accused/offender is a Muslim and the victim a non muslim.

    Illustration 1: Muslim accused/offender from Selangor commits the rape on another Muslim victim in Kedah to take advantage of the ‘harder to prove’ Shariah law in Kedah.

    Does the accused/offender get prosecuted by the more “relaxed” Sharia laws in Kedah based on where the offence is committed or the more stringent secular rape laws of Selangor from where the victim resides?

    One may try resolve this Sharia conundrum by saying the law of where the victim resides should prevail.

    Illustration 2: If that were so, sh should a (Muslim) rapist from Selangor be allowed to deliberately choose to commit the offence in Kedah on a Muslim victim residing in Kedah to take advantage of the more ‘relaxed’Sharia rape laws in Kedah?

    Illustration No.3 : Wouldn’t the problems outlined in illustrations 1 and 2 above be compunded if the victim, whether residing in Selangor and visiting Kedah or residing within Kedah, were a non Muslim? Which law does one apply when the non muslim victim demands application of secular common law on rape, and the accused demand Sharia to which he says he is entitled?

    Illustration 4 : Supposing the wrong doing is adultery which is a Sharia offence (Zina) punishable by death (decapitation). We have two offenders here, the Muslim alulterer from Kedah (sharia punishment is death) and the Muslim adulteress in Selangor (sharia punishment is a fine) or a Non Muslim for whom adultery is not a criminal offence. Supposing the adultery were committed in bo th Kedah and Selangor in different times. Do we put one adulterer to death by public decapitation and let the other scot free?

    Illustration 5: even in deciding which law (Sharia or secular common law) to apply and which court – Sharia court or secular Court- to try each case – which should be the higher court to decide? A higher secular civil court or a higher Sharia Court?

  3. #3 by Jeffrey on Sunday, 18 January 2009 - 9:59 am

    Generally our notion of justice is like should be treated alike, apple should be compared to aple and not an orange, two accused/offenders or two victims for the same crime should be treated alike.

    Which is why for so long as one respects the Federal Constitution, one should respect its promise of fundamental liberties one of which is all persons’ entitlement to equal protection by the law and its enforcement (where the word “law” is used generic and not defined as any specific common law or Sharia) except as otherwise allowed for by the Constitution.

    In a matter as important as severe punishment for crimes, where Federal law (Penal Code b ased on secular common law) has altready prescribed criminal offences and their punishment for all , can we allow states to pass their own individual Hudud Sharia criminal laws with vast differences in standards of proof and punishment from secular common law in contravention of the Constitutional promise of equal protection of laws?

    Apart from that (constitutional point) wouldn’t 2 parallel streams of law pose insurmountable problems of application to law enforcers and judges taking as frame of reference the illustrations above?

    As we are already a polarised society wouldn’t encouragement of f urther separate development of criminal laws at state levels deepen the schism than ameliorate it under the excuse of freedom of conscience and to e ach state its own in respect to these matters affecting crime and punishments?

  4. #4 by OrangRojak on Sunday, 18 January 2009 - 12:48 pm

    promise of fundamental liberties one of which is all persons’ entitlement to equal protection by the law and its enforcement
    I’m being lazy again – does the Constitution actually say that? I read the Articles Onlooker Politics referred me to, and it appears to say something completely different: that States may make their own laws. It doesn’t appear to set any limit.

    can we allow states
    We who? If the Constitution allows it, no ‘we’ can prohibit it, I imagine.

    wouldn’t 2 parallel streams of law pose insurmountable problems
    Obviously yes, but perhaps not quite so obviously to the Reid Commission?

    the excuse of freedom of conscience
    Is something different, as I understand it, and being assigned to a stream of law by your government isn’t ‘freedom of conscience’. Freedom of conscience is an individual matter.

    Jeffrey, in your illustrations above, wouldn’t the court in whose jurisdiction the crime occurred be the one to try it? I guess if Kedah and Selangor are replaced with Malaysia and Singapore, then the place of the crime would decide which country’s court. As for religion, one of your Pahang examples is relevant: the Muslim Singapore resident (why ‘resident’? Is she a Malaysian?). I assume if she wasn’t a Muslim, then the Syariah court wouldn’t have claimed her. A problem in Malaysia, I suppose, is that Najib might tempt overseas Malays to visit with promises of support, and their first Carlsberg might be their last, by virtue of their race determining their religion by local rules.

    If I’m not mistaken, there is no impediment to States implementing their Islamic ambitions. Your Pahang examples show that some states are on course. It’s a democracy, so if the majority of the people in a State want something the Constitution permits, they’re going to get it, or claim, perhaps coorectly, that someone is infringing their rights. Does a government need 2/3 to change the Constitution to make Islamic law the law of the federation?

    My personal view of two streams of law is irrelevant, so I’m not going to put it. If two streams are constitutionally permitted, then Malaysians have either to accept it, or to accept it until they can form a government that will change the Constitution. Karpal’s fees will go up, and it appears to me to be ‘good business’ for the legal industry, even if it they might wish it was less complicated.

    Article 11 clause 2 – no tax used for a religion which is not your own – does that apply to religious courts? How are they funded? Complicating the law in Malaysia might be workable, I suppose, but I imagine it won’t be cheap (despite what some might say about a quick swing of the cleaver) – who pays at the moment?

  5. #5 by Jeffrey on Sunday, 18 January 2009 - 1:00 pm

    Article 8(1) and 8(2) of the Federal Constitution provide for equality before the law. As Onlooker said, Article 75 of Federal Constitution of Malaysia provides that “If any State law is inconsistent with a federal law, the federal law shall prevail and the State law shall, to the extent of the inconsistency, be void.”

    From these two fundamental provisions of the Federal Constitution – the basic and most supreme law in the nation’s hierarchy of laws – one can deduce the implications of trying to implement simultaneously two parallel streams of law as diverse and different as Sharia to secular common law.

  6. #6 by Jeffrey on Sunday, 18 January 2009 - 1:21 pm

    The Constitution may permit states to promulgate Sharia laws but it is subject to these laws not being inconsistent with (a) Federal Law (eg Penal Code on crimes) or (b) constitutional protection of equality before the law or equal protection of the law encapsulated in articles 8(1) and (2) of the Federal Constitution.

    The difficult part is which apex court (Sharia or secular) will decide on issues relating to (a) or (b) when a conflict in applications of between Sharia and secular law has arisen. Article 121(1)A (amendment introduced during mahathir’s administration) merely provides that jurisdiction of Sharia matters lies with Sharia courts, and civil, common law matters with secular courts but does not clarify whether if and when the two streams collide, which higher court, whether it be a Sharia or secular higher court, will determine the question whether the issue in contention ought to be referred to a Sharia court or a secular court below for adjudication.

    By right it should be the secular Federal Court. So far it has skirted around this conundrum and not decided on it.

  7. #7 by OrangRojak on Sunday, 18 January 2009 - 1:38 pm

    But 8(1) is practically void given 80(1) in the case of Islam, isn’t it? The issue we’re discussing is Islamic law, which is a complete law in the eyes of Muslims, so if the Constitution delegates executive power to the State for religion, and full observance of the religion requires submission to Islamic law, then 80(1) grants the power to do it – because the Syariah court is a matter of religion observance.

    You’ll have to explain ‘inconsistent’ to me in the context of Article 75. I think I can see how it might apply where a State made something legal which the Constitution prohibits, or the State passed a law against a right granted by the Constitution. Is Syariah or Hudud ‘inconsistent’ with federal law? What is ‘federal law’? Is it something beyond the Constitution?

  8. #8 by OrangRojak on Sunday, 18 January 2009 - 1:39 pm

    oops cross-posted, you answered questions before I asked them – sorry, and thanks

  9. #9 by OrangRojak on Sunday, 18 January 2009 - 10:34 pm

    Is Hudud ‘inconsistent’ with the Penal Code? I imagine some corporal penalties must already be in the Penal Code in Malaysia, as well as the capital penalty. How clearly does the Penal Code limit corporal and capital penalties? You’re probably busier than I am, so if you can point me in the right direction, I can read for myself. I found the Criminal Procedure Code (Amendment) Act 2004, which lists some penalties. There’s an awful lot of death in there.

    I agree with you that there should be a single apex court – that seems like a serious omission. I think I’ve wondered in a comment before how 2 completely separate legal systems would unify the citizens of a nation. Article 121(1)A doesn’t seem (I’m looking at the wikisource version) to be quite as balanced as you make it sound – to me it only says that Federal courts are not superior to Syariah courts: the other side of the balance is missing.

    So, given the (seems to me) large amount of death and whipping already in the Penal Code, how is Hudud inconsistent with it? Is there a very strict definition of consistency in law? For the sake of argument, Hudud may impose a heavy penalty on adulterers, when federal law may not even (does it?) mention it. Would a law on adultery, passed at the State level, be inconsistent?

    I’m sorry for all the questions, I really am struggling to understand how all the various laws fit together in Malaysia.

  10. #10 by Jeffrey on Sunday, 18 January 2009 - 11:53 pm

    MOGADISHU, Somalia – A 13-year-old girl who said she had been raped was stoned to death in Somalia after being accused of adultery by Islamic militants, a human rights group said.Dozens of men stoned Aisha Ibrahim Duhulow to death Oct. 27, 2008 in a stadium packed with 1,000 spectators in the southern port city of Kismayo, Amnesty International and Somali media reported, citing witnesses.

    She could not prove rape in the absence of 4 reliable male witness; at even 13 she could be married, and hence, having sex with a man other than her husband invoked inference of adultery puniushable by death by stoning.

    “So, given the (seems to me) large amount of death and whipping already in the Penal Code, how is Hudud inconsistent with it?”

    Penal Code is based on Common law precepts by which one of the cornerstone of crime is an infliction of harm on a third party without a lawful cause.

    The element harm (on others) – that we see when an offender kills, maims, steals from, peddles drugs to others deserving whiping and death.

    Hudud is structured around morality, with considerable focus on sexual morality. Even consensual, illicit sex in adultery, it is punishable by death though element of harm is absent unless one stretches it to include spouse’s emotions. What about youngsters petting in close proxibity? It is an offence though it inflicts no harm on any one. This is one difference, common law benchmarking a crime against harm to others whereas Hudud, harm against abstract concept of moralty, there being no or little difference between public and private morality.

    Another difference is the patriarchal approach favouring males: veiling, men taking up to 4 wives, requirement of 4 witnesess whomust have seen the act to establish rape, in contrast to common law aspects relating to these issues.

    The punishments in Hudud vary according to the status of the offender – Muslims generally receive harsher punishments than non-Muslims, free people receive harsher punishments than slaves, and in the case of zina’ (adultery), married people receive harsher punishments than unmarried.

    Common law punishments vary according to whether offender is first offender or hardcore (concept of rehabilitation) – Hudud version is “only one hand should be cut off for the first theft” – or public interest where deterrence is required and other mitigating factors unrelated to religion (whether Muslim or non Muslim) or social status (free people vs slaves).

  11. #11 by OrangRojak on Monday, 19 January 2009 - 12:27 am

    I am familiar with the content of your 23:53 post.

    Laws are just morals encoded, aren’t they? If a group of people are determined to see their morals encoded as law and submit to them, then there is a faint argument (that I have little enthusiasm for, but can imagine a person exists who does) that they should be permitted to, so long as nobody who does not give their full consent is subjected to those laws. Or without a double negative, everybody who is subjected to those laws is fully consenting. To be able to follow this argument through, I’m assuming that “We Muslims” in Malaysia is an exhaustive We, and they do in fact all fully consent.

    Is it legally possible (all other viewpoints aside) in Malaysia, right now, for a State to implement Hudud law? It seems to me that it is – or if it isn’t, then very little stands in the way. A person could make the same argument I have made above in the UK, but it would be quite impossible for Hudud to be practised by consenting persons in the UK because of the ‘nobody (for example an adulterer accepting sentence or Islamic court imposing sentence) can licence another to commit a crime (killing)’. But what would stop a Syariah court in Malaysia imposing a death sentence, when a federal court can?

    The ‘inconsistency’ argument – is it backed up by something in the Penal code (for example) that says “any activity not explicitly described as a crime is implicitly a right of the individual”? If a State law has only to be ‘missing’ or ‘different’ from the Penal Code, then I don’t see how a State can make its own laws at all.

    Thanks for continuing to explain this issue – it helps.

  12. #12 by Jeffrey on Monday, 19 January 2009 - 9:02 am

    “Laws are just morals encoded, aren’t they?” – OrangRojak

    Very much so in present Islamic Jurisprudence (Hudud) (or ecclesiastical laws of Medieval past) but not so, in the case of contemporary “secular law” derived from Common Law upon which Penal Code is based – that is, as I said, one of the main differentiating marks or inconsistent feature, if you will, distinguishing the Sharia Hudud from secular Penal Code.

    Whilst some aspects of law overlap, as they invariably will, with morals, by and large and predominantly, the role of morals in secular constitution/societies is to provide aspiration for the community, marking what ought to represent the best practices, examples, ‘maximum’ conduct of its members, whereas secular law – especially criminal law – is (again generally not absolutely) predicated upon “harm to others”, which represents the ‘minimum’ conduct by which a member of community is expected to abide as an obligation and condition for living harmoniously with others.

    One can say inflicting “harm to others” is “immoral”, and whilst that is true, the fact is conduct not inflicting harm but otherwise is amoral, morally neutral or even immoral, that does not inflict harm, is often, by secular law, not unlawful.

    In contrast in the case of Sharia, in terms of “proportion” criminal law (hudud) and morality (viewed through Islamic prism) are very much fused, and laws encode morals.

    One can understand this: In Islamic jurisprudence Hudud is part of laws the source of which is derived from the Almighty, whose concern includes morality of men’s behaviour.

    In contrast, secular laws are made by men through their representatives in Pariament in resonance with Abraham Lincoln’s “government of the people, for the people and by the people” instead of of, for or by the Almighty!

    And since men are characterised by their contrariety of political persuasions – as their moral persuasions – secular societies and constitutions would prefer predicating their criminal laws upon morally neutral benchmark of “harm” which is empirically verifiable rather than the relativism and subjectivity of “morals”.

    On the other point – “If a group of people are determined to see their morals encoded as law and submit to them ….they should be permitted to, so long as nobody who does not give their full consent is subjected to those laws.”

    It is not so here. Where or when does consent come in?

    By constitution, the majority group are already defined to be Muslims by birth and leaving the faith is not permitted (re Lina Joy ‘s case) as apostasy is a crime which is punishable by death in regimes where Hudud is strictly enforced.

    Even in the case of converts – once converted, it is irreversible because of the tenet against apostasy.

  13. #13 by OrangRojak on Monday, 19 January 2009 - 11:06 am

    On the other point – “If … people are determined to … submit ….they should be permitted to, so long as… full consent…”

    It is not so here. Where or when does consent come in?

    The argument I see so often is “Muslims not permitted to practice their religion fully”. Taken on its own, and accepting that part of ‘fully’ in the recent argument is Hudud, this argument has merit. I’m not aware of any country where a group of citizens are allowed to set their own laws in opposition to or exceeding the law of the country. One of two arguments are usually offered against Hudud – one is the source of law (as you pointed out, the source of law is not the people subject to it) and the other is extreme physical punishments. The shifting of blame in matters of sexual morality is yet another argument which is repugnant to my moral outlook, but is fondly adhered to by some.

    Malaysia is on a moral ‘sticky wicket’ where Islamic capital and corporal punishment are concerned: your Penal code seems quite generous with death and whipping. Stoning is a capital punishment, albeit administered in a way that is likely to be accused of being ‘inhumane’. Amputation is a tricky one – is there really nothing quite like it in your federal law? If Malaysia had any permanent physical punishments (like branding or castration, or possibly even the possibility of a whipping leaving scars) then amputation would be harder to argue against.

    The reason I mention consent is that there are societies in Europe who consent to others injuring them and regional variations in law allow such practices in some places and prohibit them in others. You could see the wikipedia page ‘BDSM#Legal_status’ for some examples. In those countries, the law probably does offer equal protection to all, but also in some cases permits individuals to consent to activities where legal protection would otherwise function as prohibition. I’ve a feeling I’ve read similar arguments applied to the sports of rugby and boxing.

    The claim of the Malaysian Muslims as regards secular law is similar: a guarantee of equal protection for all is a prohibition of their Islamic practice. It seems to me that countries with similar law to Malaysia’s federal law does permit practices similar to those demanded by Hudud on the basis of consent.

    I may have misunderstood your question “when does consent come in?”. In Malaysia consent is never sought from Muslims – they do not have Anwar’s “freedom of conscience”. I suppose this could be seen as the point at which this particular argument fails in Malaysia. It seems like there would otherwise be no great difficulty in following the precedent set by other countries to explicitly permit Hudud practice in federal law, except that the practice itself rules out consent.

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