Re Bakri’s article, we ought to sympathise with our Malay brethren. Their culture of submission to patrons and protectors coupled with the mirage of Ketuanan Melayu over the past 30 years has done them no favours. They have discovered in this period how irrepressible the other races are. They have also come to understand (I hope) that by continuing to label non-Malays as an ‘immigrant’ race which deserves to be ‘chased out’ at every occasion and at the whims and fancies of their Patrons, all this does is to make the Chinese and Indians resolve generation after generation to learn from our past, acknowledge our heritage, accept that as part of the far-flung diaspora, we are ‘embattled’ every where our race is found outside of the land of our forefather’s origins and like our forefathers, we have to work very hard for the present and prepare well for the future.

Maybe with the results of GE12, our Malay brethren will be able to finally accept that ‘together we stand, divided we will fall’ since Malaysian non-Malays have every reason to make our country as successful as possible. We should be able to proudly proclaim ‘I was born of this land, Malaysia’ - not 1st generation but for many, even 4th generation.

Maybe now, our Malay brethren will accept that ‘Muslim’ doesn’t mean Malay, and many Muslims who have at best only set foot here in the last 15 years or even as recent as a few years back are now accorded so-called privileges that were uniquely the ‘birthright’ of Malays born of this land. Maybe, Malays are now ready to accept that the right of citizenship is not predicated on race or religion, and that citizenship means ‘equal under the Constitution.’

For Chinese and Indians (as well as other races) whose great-grandparents were born of this land, there’s light at the end of the tunnel because of GE12. And for our children who may be called upon to sacrifice their lives to defend this nation if the need arises - so that we may, if that need does ever arise, finally be regarded as ‘equals’ even as our lives are no more nor less precious than the Malays’ in the defense of our country.

In the meantime, it is necessary for irrepressible Malays such as Bakri, Azly, Farish, RPK and so many other enlightened individuals to continue to undo the harm that’s been done over the past 30 years or so.

With the hope that we achieve such enlightenment before 2050 when the Malay population is projected to reach 80% and Ketuanan Melayu reigns supreme.

Loh Says: Your comment is awaiting moderation.

Yesterday at 20: 44.32
///Unlike Malaysians, Americans do not fear and are not dependent upon their government. Americans have a healthy skepticism towards their leaders and government, an attribute generally lacking among Malaysians.///

After 50 year under BN rule, Malaysians are polarized to two distinct groups, the Malays and non-Malays. Malays are dependent upon the government, but do not fear them. The non-Malays are not dependent but fear the government.

From the first days of independent UMNO planned to hang on to power by Malay votes. That was how the parliamentary constituencies were drawn so that Malays’ votes weighed more than non-Malays. With almost equal population in early days of Malaya, non-Malays could only obtain at most 25% of the parliamentary seats if voting was based entirely on race.

The Malays during the colonial days did not have to depend on the British to survive. Yet Malay community produced towering Malays who excelled in Judiciary and government services. To be sure, the Malays then were Malays that one would recognize easily rather than having to go through the definition included in the Federal constitution.

Philanthropists think in terms of marginal utility of the money and the gain in total welfare on the money they give away to assuage their sense of compassion. Government leaders stand on moral high ground when they devise programmes to help the poor and downtrodden without having to part with their personal funds, and they win the reputation as a caring government. Yet, opportunists as most politicians are, they made use of government funds to spend as philanthropists and seized the opportunity of that process to build loyalty from the beneficiaries. To create the sense of indispensability of the government to the beneficiaries, the Alliance and later BN’s government denied non-Malays equal opportunities. That was justified through Article 153, and later NEP. It moulds Malay mindset to be loyal to BN because it is through BN that the preferential treatment of Malays would be perpetuated. That mindset was further strengthened by the oft repeated indoctrination by UMNO government that Malays are weak, and they could not stand on their own, or compete on level playing ground.

The present generation of UMNO leaders is too far removed from their founders to recognize that Article 153 of the Federal Constitution was intended to create level playing ground in 15 years from 1957, and subject to review. The late Tun Razak made the constitutional amendment to Article 153 a condition for convening parliament in 1972 after it was suspended for emergency rule. With that amendment, Article 153, the provision to provide assistance to Malays to acquire capacity to compete on equal footing, and it euphemistically known as the special privilege for Malays, takes on the new life of Ketuanan Melayu.

That the non-Malays decided in the 12th GE to ditch BN was only surprising in the extent they did. What is more perplexing is the fact that Malays were willing to vote opposition. Have they managed to realize that the savings the government had in depriving non-Malays equal opportunities to Malays in terms of establishing more university places and scholarships paled in comparison to leakage through corruptions? Are the ordinary Malays unhappy that their endeavors and success in academic attainment are suspects because of the system of university intake? Have they realized that collective wealth of Malay community is not a measure of individual standard of living, and in making a few very rich Malays through the APs system, they have to pay much more for their vehicles, to keep Proton alive? Is Ketuanan Melayu an excuse for the Tuans, the descendents of the ruling families since independence, to remain in power?

The call for PM AAB to resign, especially from the states whose warlords have lost the rights to wealth and power confirm that Malays are not monolith, and they have keen sense of jealousy, not just against non-Malays as promoted by NEP, but within the community. The intense factional fighting within UMNO, the party for the Malays, show that Malays are ordinary human beings believing that they have the rights to attain their potentials, and not be constraints by the thought of TDM and his king-maker role. It is hoped that among the UMNO PM hopefuls, there are people who would move away from the divide and rule policy of their forebears.

I noticed too that during the evening all our comments are put into the moderation lists except during daytime.

Strange practice but true.

Jamesy.

Yesterday at 20: 44.32

Let’s read the sentences a few times very thoroughly……what actually it means?

After 50 year under BN rule, Malaysians are polarized to two distinct groups, the Malays and non-Malays. Malays are dependent upon the government, but do not fear them. The non-Malays are not dependent but fear the government.

From the first days of independent UMNO planned to hang on to power by Malay votes. That was how the parliamentary constituencies were drawn so that Malays’ votes weighed more than non-Malays. With almost equal population in early days of Malaya, non-Malays could only obtain at most 25% of the parliamentary seats if voting was based entirely on race.

The Malays during the colonial days did not have to depend on the British to survive. Yet Malay community produced towering Malays who excelled in Judiciary and government services. To be sure, the Malays then were Malays that one would recognize easily rather than having to go through the definition included in the Federal constitution.

Philanthropists think in terms of marginal utility of the money and the gain in total welfare on the money they give away to assuage their sense of compassion. Government leaders stand on moral high ground when they devise programmes to help the poor and downtrodden without having to part with their personal funds, and they win the reputation as a caring government. Yet, opportunists as most politicians are, they made use of government funds to spend as philanthropists and seized the opportunity of that process to build loyalty from the beneficiaries. To create the sense of indispensability of the government to the beneficiaries, the Alliance and later BN’s government denied non-Malays equal opportunities. That was justified through Article 153, and later NEP. It moulds Malay mindset to be loyal to BN because it is through BN that the preferential treatment of Malays would be perpetuated. That mindset was further strengthened by the oft repeated indoctrination by UMNO government that Malays are weak, and they could not stand on their own, or compete on level playing ground.

The present generation of UMNO leaders is too far removed from their founders to recognize that Article 153 of the Federal Constitution was intended to create level playing ground in 15 years from 1957, and subject to review. The late Tun Razak made the constitutional amendment to Article 153 a condition for convening parliament in 1972 after it was suspended for emergency rule. With that amendment, Article 153, the provision to provide assistance to Malays to acquire capacity to compete on equal footing, and it euphemistically known as the special privilege for Malays, takes on the new life of Ketuanan Melayu.

That the non-Malays decided in the 12th GE to ditch BN was only surprising in the extent they did. What is more perplexing is the fact that Malays were willing to vote opposition. Have they managed to realize that the savings the government had in depriving non-Malays equal opportunities to Malays in terms of establishing more university places and scholarships paled in comparison to leakage through corruptions? Are the ordinary Malays unhappy that their endeavors and success in academic attainment are suspects because of the system of university intake? Have they realized that collective wealth of Malay community is not a measure of individual standard of living, and in making a few very rich Malays through the APs system, they have to pay much more for their vehicles, to keep Proton alive? Is Ketuanan Melayu an excuse for the Tuans, the descendents of the ruling families since independence, to remain in power?

The call for PM AAB to resign, especially from the states whose warlords have lost the rights to wealth and power confirm that Malays are not monolith, and they have keen sense of jealousy, not just against non-Malays as promoted by NEP, but within the community. The intense factional fighting within UMNO, the party for the Malays, show that Malays are ordinary human beings believing that they have the rights to attain their potentials, and not be constraints by the thought of TDM and his king-maker role. It is hoped that among the UMNO PM hopefuls, there are people who would move away from the divide and rule policy of their forebears.

Link: http://www.kingsmary.blogspot.com/

Without ORDER a proper resolution can’t be tabled and passed.